Can an "Egalitarian" Nationalism Protect Democracy? — Maya Tudor at The Interval - YouTube

Channel: Long Now Foundation

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QUESTION: So what I really want to take from your research is an idea that this
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pro-democracy nationalism inoculates against the anti-democracy
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nationalism. But when I think of the riots in Gujarat, which happened 20 years
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after independence, and five years before the time period you're talking
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about, and the rise of the BJP today, I can't take away that message. So
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what is the message that I can take away about the difference and the
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interplay of these two types of nationalisms? MAYA TUDOR: Yeah, it's a great question.
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MARGARET LEVI: Much better said than what I was trying to get at. TUDOR: Right, so I guess what I
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would say is that the word "inoculates" is far too strong. All the explanations that
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political scientists have for when democracy does or doesn't come about,
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they're all probabilistic explanations. They're not—nothing, not a super
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diverse ethnic group, a super high level of economic development,
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Nothing is absolutely sufficient to become a democracy. So the claim that I'm making
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is that, all else being equal, and of course, nothing else is ever equal, right?
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Because countries are very particular space-and-time
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-specific creations, but that all else being equal, a relatively flat and open
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porous conception of what it means to be a member of that nation is a resource
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for democracy because of subsequent moments of political crisis, when you
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have political entrepreneurs pushing to get to power. If there is by
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contrast a narrative of nation that specifically sets aside a
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group as not being core to defining the nation, that in moments of crisis, that
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particular group can be more easily targeted by politicians in power. And
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that's what you see happening with Muslims, the Rohingya in Myanmar,
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it's what you see today happening in India, and what you saw when Modi was
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the Chief Minister of Gujarat, which is when the riots that you mentioned
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happened. He's very much been pushing a Hindu nationalist vision. And it's not a
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coincidence that's exactly where you saw the riots happening in India, because
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it's where the chief politician in power was pushing a majoritarian view of what
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it meant to be a citizen of that nation. So to go back to your question, what do I
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take away from this talk? It's not that anything inoculates democracy.
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Democracy is only as strong as our belief in it and our willingness to
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essentially make sacrifices on behalf of a particular way of organizing and
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sharing power. But what I can say is that in addition to all those structural
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factors which do make democracy a little bit more likely. So if you're a little
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bit wealthier, a little bit more likely. If you don't have oil and gas as a
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major part of your export, democracy is a little more likely. And what I want to
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add to the conversation is when you have a nationalism that's relatively
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egalitarian, it makes democracy a little more likely for the reasons I mentioned.
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LEVI: Except that in all these cases you have both kinds of nationalism pervading.
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TUDOR: Right. So I think that's another...so just briefly, I think that
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that was a question I was sure I was gonna get. "You know, when
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you're talking about one nationalism, but there are lots of kinds of nationalisms."
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And I think that's absolutely true. Founding moments provide particularly
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powerful narratives of what the nation is, but of course those narratives are
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contested and changing over time. But they're often surprisingly
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durable. And what you see happening in India right now is a sustained
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attempt to change what the national identity is, and to the extent that it
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endures, it's in power, it begins to change national curriculums, which, you know,
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is exactly what we're seeing, that will become a resource for essentially
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promoting one form of democratic breakdown just when those civil and
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political liberties are systematically denied to the out groups.