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Labor Markets and Minimum Wage: Crash Course Economics #28 - YouTube
Channel: CrashCourse
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Adriene: Welcome to Crash Course
Economics, Iâm Adriene Hill,
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Jacob: and Iâm Jacob Clifford, and today weâre going to talk about labor markets, a pretty important topic.
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Adriene: Unless you're independently wealthy,
or fine with living in your parents basement,
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you probably need to get a job. But how do you even
get a job? And what kind of job should you get?
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In a lot of ways, it comes down to
supplying a skill that someone else demands.
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[Theme Music]
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This is Cristiano Ronaldo. He makes about
$20 million a year playing soccer. Or football,
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depending on where you live. Pretty much everybody
would agree no one NEEDS that kind of money,
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but does he deserve it? How do his employers, the
Real Madrid Football Club, justify this huge salary?
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Admittedly, the market for professional athletes is complex, but on some level, itâs supply and demand.
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The supply of people that have the skills to
be world class soccer players is low.
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And the demand for world class soccer
players is incredibly high.
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Ronaldo might be willing to play for only
10 million dollars a year; itâs a lot of money.
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He might even play for 5 million. And
if he really truly loved the beautiful game,
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he might do it for free. So why is he getting
20 million dollars?
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This goes back to that really high demand.
Having a superstar on your team generates
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millions in ticket and merchandise sales.
It might help you win some of the many cups
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up for grabs in international football. So
Real Madrid thought Ronaldo and his double
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scissor move, were worth 20 million dollars,
and Ronaldo agreed, so they have a contract.
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These same ideas explain how wages are determined in nearly every labor market. Letâs go the Thought Bubble.
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Jacob: Usually when Stan goes to the mall
he's the buyer. He demands sunglasses and
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giant pretzels and the businesses supply them.
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But if he wants a job at the mallâs pretzel
shop, the roles are reversed. Since he supplies
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labor, he is now the seller and the pretzel
shop owner becomes the buyer. A buyer of labor.
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Now, thatâs when wage negotiation ensues.
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Stan could insist on a wage of $25 an hour
for his pretzel skills, but the owner would
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point out that they could easily hire other
people for much less. The owner could offer
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Stan a wage of only $1 per hour, but Stan would point out that he could easily get paid more at the Froyo shop.
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In the end, they agree on a wage that makes
each of them better off. The owner gets some
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help around the store and Stan earns money
so he can buy even cooler sunglasses.
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Economists call this voluntary exchange.
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The supply of labor depends on the number
of people that are qualified to do the job.
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Stan would love to get paid more, but since
warming up pretzels doesnât require extensive
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skills, the supply of capable workers is high
and consequently the wage is relatively low.
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But that doesnât mean that Stan is going to work for peanuts.
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The wage offered has to cover his opportunity cost --
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-- the value of his lost free time and the money he could be making doing something else.
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The demand for labor depends on the demand
for the products a business sells.
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Economists call this derived demand. If pretzel
demand is booming, then the store owners are
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going to want more pretzel makers. If other
stores also need more employees, demand for
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workers will increase and drive up wages.
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Thanks Thought Bubble. Supply and demand explains
why wages are different for different professions.
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Engineers are in high demand because they
produce the products that many consumers want
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and their supply is limited because the training
for these jobs is pretty difficult.
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Social workers and historians, arenât paid
as much, even though their work is important
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because demand is relatively low and supply
is relatively high. Itâs not rocket science.
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Adriene: Supply and demand explain a lot,
but there are several reasons why wages in
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a labor market donât end up at a competitive
equilibrium. Sometimes workers get paid less
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not because they have different skill levels,
but because of their race, ethnic origin,
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sex, age, or other characteristics. This is
called wage discrimination.
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Wages might also be unfairly low when a labor
market is a monopsony -- when there is only
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one company hiring and workers are relatively
immobile. When youâre the only employer,
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workers have to take what you offer, or theyâre
out of luck.
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Take the NCAA, the organization that
regulates college athletics in the US.
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Many economists point out that high profile college athletes are generating millions of dollars for their
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schools, but theyâre forced to accept a very low
âwageâ of a scholarship with free tuition.
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Now sure, baseball and hockey players can
skip straight to the pros, but the NFL prohibits
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drafting football players until three years
after high school. And NBA teams canât draft
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basketball players until theyâre 19.
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There are some situations where wages might
actually be higher than market equilibrium.
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For example, some employers might voluntarily
offer higher than normal wages to increase
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worker productivity and retention. Economists
call this efficiency wages.
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Henry Ford doubled the wages of assembly line
workers in 1914 to keep them from seeking
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jobs elsewhere. And this still goes on
today. You may not be completely happy with
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your job, but if it offers way more than what
everyone else is paying, you're less likely to quit.
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Unions can also drive up wages. A union is
an organization that advances the collective
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interest of employees and strives to improve
working conditions and increase wages.
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They do this through collective bargaining.
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Representatives for the workers negotiate
with employers and if their demands arenât met,
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workers go on strike, and stop production
altogether. Although unions were once very
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strong in the US, union membership and their
strength has declined since the 1950s.
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At their height, approximately 1 in 3 American workers were in a labor union. These days it's more like 1 in 9,
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and the largest unions represent workers in the public sector, like teachers and firefighters.
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Wages might also not be at equilibrium when
there is a minimum wage -- basically a price
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floor that prevents employers from paying
workers below a specific amount.
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Technically, in the US, minimum wage
affects less than 3% of workers.
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But the Brookings Institution estimates that
an increase in the minimum wage likely wouldnât
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just impact that small slice of the labor
market. It would also drive up the wages of
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people who make just above the minimum wage.
According to Brookings, that ripple effect
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could raise the wages of nearly 30% of the
workforce.
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The debate over whether or not there should
be a minimum wage, and how high that minimum
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wage should be, gets pretty heated pretty
fast.
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Some classical economists argue against nearly all forms of government manipulation in competitive markets.
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They say the minimum wage not only leads to unemployment, but it actually hurts the people it claims to help.
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Their logic goes something like this: A minimum wage deters employers from hiring unskilled workers,
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hiring only skilled or semi-skilled workers instead.
These economists argue that minimum wage
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does little or nothing to alleviate poverty,
since instead of earning a minimum wage, unskilled
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workers end up earning no wage at all.
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The economists that support a minimum wage argue that real life labor markets arenât as competitive
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or transparent as classical economists suggest. They believe that employers have the upper hand
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when it comes to negotiating wages and that individual workers lack bargaining power.
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Iâm not going to tell you what to think,
but think about it like this: if a grocery
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store wasnât required to pay $7.25 an hour,
and the grocery store was the only place hiring,
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they could likely squeeze individual employees to accepting lower than market value. In this interpretation,
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minimum wage isnât interfering with competitive markets, as much as itâs correcting a market failure.
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Remember anti-trust laws that prevent powerful
monopolies from charging higher prices? Economists
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that support minimum wage laws say they prevent
employers from using their power to exploit workers.
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The economists who are entirely opposed to
minimum wage laws are losing the policy battle.
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Most countries around the world have minimum
wage laws, and many of those countries without
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them have de facto minimum wages, set by collective
bargaining agreements.
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But even among economists who support some
sort of minimum wage, thereâs disagreement
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over how high that minimum wage should be, and what raising the minimum wage might do to the economy.
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Consider the U.S.: the current federal minimum wage is $7.25 an hour. In 2014, 600 economists, including
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7 Nobel Prize winners signed a letter arguing that the minimum wage should be increased to $10.10 an hour.
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They argued that raising the minimum wage
could have a small benefit to the economy.
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Workers, with their newly increased wages,
would spend more. This would increase demand,
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and perhaps help stimulate employment.
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But some of those same economists balked when
it came to the question of raising the minimum
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wage to fifteen dollars an hour. They argue
that even if a fifteen dollar an hour minimum
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wage might make sense in an expensive city,
like Los Angeles or New York, where the median
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income is relatively high, it could have a
significant negative effect on employment
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in a city or town where incomes are lower.
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If economics was a pure science, we could
just test these ideas under controlled circumstances.
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We could have one state set a significantly higher minimum wage than its neighbor and see what happens.
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It turns out that happened in 1992, and
economists David Card and Alan Krueger studied it.
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New Jersey raised its minimum wage from $4.25
to $5.05 while Pennsylvania kept theirs at $4.25.
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The economists surveyed large fast
food chains along the stateâs shared border
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and found that workers didnât get fired, in fact, employment in New Jersey actually increased.
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But itâs far from settled. There have also
been studies that indicate raising the minimum
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wage DOES increase unemployment. A relatively
recent survey of economists, by the University
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of Chicago, found that a small majority think
raising the minimum wage to nine dollars an
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hour would make it noticeably harder for poor
people to get work.
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But, and this is where it gets interesting,
a slim majority also thought the increase
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would be worthwhile, because the benefits
to people who could find jobs at nine dollars
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an hour would outweigh the negative effect
on overall employment.
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Jacob: Very few economists argue a higher
minimum wage will end poverty, but some argue
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that it could reduce poverty. The minimum
wage doesnât exist in vacuum. Policies that
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fight poverty should also focus on providing
education and skills.
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Adriene: Those skills are what the labor market
values. Itâs those skills that are in short
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supply and high demand, and will command higher
wages. So, while youâre waiting for economists
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to figure all this out, you might want to
learn a new skill. Practice your double scissor,
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and maybe take Ronaldoâs job.
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Jacob: Thanks for watching Crash Course Economics, which is made with the help of all these awesome people.
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You can help keep Crash Course free for everyone
forever by supporting the show at Patreon.
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Patreon is a voluntary subscription service where you can help support the show by giving a monthly contribution.
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Thanks for watching! DFTBA!
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