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The science of greed | Paul聽K. Piff | TEDxMarin - YouTube
Channel: TEDx Talks
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Translator: Ivana Korom
Reviewer: Camille Mart铆nez
[11]
It's really an honor
to be at such a distinguished gathering
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and to have the opportunity
to talk to you about some of my research.
[19]
I want you to, for a moment,
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think about playing a game of Monopoly.
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Except in this game,
that combination of skill, talent and luck
[31]
that helped earn you success
in games, as in life,
[34]
has been rendered irrelevant,
[35]
because this game's been rigged,
[37]
and you've got the upper hand.
[39]
You've got more money,
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more opportunities to move
around the board,
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and more access to resources.
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And as you think about that experience,
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I want you to ask yourself:
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How might that experience of being
a privileged player in a rigged game
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change the way you think about yourself
[57]
and regard that other player?
[61]
So, we ran a study
on the UC Berkeley campus
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to look at exactly that question.
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We brought in more than 100 pairs
of strangers into the lab,
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and with the flip of a coin,
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randomly assigned one of the two
to be a rich player in a rigged game.
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They got two times as much money;
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when they passed Go,
they collected twice the salary;
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and they got to roll
both dice instead of one,
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so they got to move
around the board a lot more.
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(Laughter)
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And over the course of 15 minutes,
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we watched through
hidden cameras what happened.
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What I want to do today,
for the first time,
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is show you a little bit of what we saw.
[100]
You'll to have to pardon
the sound quality,
[102]
because again, these were hidden cameras.
[104]
So we've provided subtitles.
[106]
[Video] Rich Player: How many
500s did you have?
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Poor Player: Just one.
[110]
RP: Are you serious?
PP: Yeah.
[111]
RP: I have three. (Laughs)
I don't know why they gave me so much.
[114]
Paul Piff: So it was quickly apparent
to players that something was up.
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One person clearly has
a lot more money than the other person,
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and yet, as the game unfolded,
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we saw very notable differences,
dramatic differences begin to emerge
[128]
between the two players.
[130]
The rich player started to move
around the board louder,
[134]
literally smacking the board
with the piece as he went around.
[137]
(Game piece smacks board)
[139]
We were more likely
to see signs of dominance
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and nonverbal signs, displays of power
[146]
and celebration among the rich players.
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We had a bowl of pretzels
positioned off to the side.
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It's on the bottom right corner.
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That allowed us to watch
participants' consummatory behavior.
[157]
So we're just tracking
how many pretzels participants eat.
[162]
[Video] RP: Are those pretzels a trick?
[164]
PP: I don't know.
[166]
Paul Piff: OK, so no surprises,
people are on to us.
[169]
They wonder what that bowl of pretzels
is doing there in the first place.
[173]
One even asks, like you just saw,
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"Is that bowl of pretzels
there as a trick?"
[177]
And yet, despite that,
the power of the situation
[180]
seems to inevitably dominate,
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and those rich players
start to eat more pretzels.
[186]
(Laughter)
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[Video] RP: I love pretzels.
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(Laughter)
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Paul Piff: And as the game went on,
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one of the really interesting
and dramatic patterns
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that we observed begin to emerge
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was that the rich players
actually started to become ruder
[207]
toward the other person --
[209]
less and less sensitive to the plight
of those poor, poor players,
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and more and more demonstrative
of their material success,
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more likely to showcase
how well they're doing.
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[Video] RP: I have money ...
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(Laughs) I have money for everything.
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PP: How much is that?
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RP: You owe me 24 dollars.
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You're going to lose all your money soon.
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I'll buy it. I have so much money.
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I have so much money, it takes me forever.
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RP 2: I'm going
to buy out this whole board.
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RP 3: You're going
to run out of money soon.
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I'm pretty much untouchable at this point.
[245]
(Laughter)
[246]
Paul Piff: And here's what I think
was really, really interesting:
[250]
it's that, at the end of the 15 minutes,
[252]
we asked the players to talk
about their experience during the game.
[257]
And when the rich players talked
about why they had inevitably won
[261]
in this rigged game of Monopoly ...
[263]
(Laughter)
[268]
They talked about what they'd done
to buy those different properties
[274]
and earn their success in the game.
[276]
(Laughter)
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And they became far less attuned
[280]
to all those different
features of the situation --
[282]
including that flip of a coin --
[285]
that had randomly gotten them
into that privileged position
[289]
in the first place.
[290]
And that's a really,
really incredible insight
[293]
into how the mind
makes sense of advantage.
[298]
Now, this game of Monopoly can be used
[301]
as a metaphor for understanding society
and its hierarchical structure,
[305]
wherein some people
have a lot of wealth and a lot of status,
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and a lot of people don't;
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they have a lot less wealth
and a lot less status
[314]
and a lot less access to valued resources.
[317]
And what my colleagues and I
for the last seven years have been doing
[320]
is studying the effects
of these kinds of hierarchies.
[324]
What we've been finding
across dozens of studies
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and thousands of participants
across this country
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is that as a person's levels
of wealth increase,
[335]
their feelings of compassion
and empathy go down,
[341]
and their feelings of entitlement,
of deservingness,
[345]
and their ideology
of self-interest increase.
[349]
In surveys, we've found
[351]
that it's actually wealthier individuals
who are more likely to moralize
[355]
greed being good,
[357]
and that the pursuit of self-interest
is favorable and moral.
[361]
Now, what I want to do today
is talk about some of the implications
[365]
of this ideology self-interest,
[368]
talk about why we should
care about those implications,
[371]
and end with what might be done.
[374]
Some of the first studies
that we ran in this area
[376]
looked at helping behavior,
[378]
something social psychologists
call "pro-social behavior."
[382]
And we were really interested
[383]
in who's more likely
to offer help to another person:
[387]
someone who's rich or someone who's poor.
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In one of the studies,
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we bring rich and poor members
of the community into the lab,
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and give each of them
the equivalent of 10 dollars.
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We told the participants they could keep
these 10 dollars for themselves,
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or they could share
a portion of it, if they wanted to,
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with a stranger, who's totally anonymous.
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They'll never meet that stranger;
the stranger will never meet them.
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And we just monitor how much people give.
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Individuals who made 25,000,
sometimes under 15,000 dollars a year,
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gave 44 percent more
of their money to the stranger
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than did individuals making
150,000, 200,000 dollars a year.
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We've had people play games
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to see who's more or less likely to cheat
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to increase their chances
of winning a prize.
[437]
In one of the games,
we actually rigged a computer
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so that die rolls over a certain score
were impossible --
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You couldn't get above 12
in this game, and yet ...
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the richer you were, the more likely
you were to cheat in this game
[452]
to earn credits toward a $50 cash prize --
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sometimes by three to four times as much.
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We ran another study
[460]
where we looked at whether people
would be inclined to take candy
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from a jar of candy
that we explicitly identified
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as being reserved for children --
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(Laughter)
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Participating -
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I'm not kidding -- I know it sounds
like I'm making a joke.
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We explicitly told participants:
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"This candy is for children participating
in a developmental lab nearby.
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They're in studies. This is for them."
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And we just monitored
how much candy participants took.
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Participants who felt rich
took two times as much candy
[493]
as participants who felt poor.
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We've even studied cars.
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Not just any cars,
[500]
but whether drivers
of different kinds of cars
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are more or less inclined
to break the law.
[507]
In one of these studies,
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we looked at whether drivers
would stop for a pedestrian
[514]
that we had posed waiting
to cross at a crosswalk.
[516]
Now in California, as you all know,
[518]
because I'm sure we all do this,
[521]
it's the law to stop for a pedestrian
who's waiting to cross.
[525]
So here's an example of how we did it.
[527]
That's our confederate off to the left,
posing as a pedestrian.
[530]
He approaches as the red truck
successfully stops.
[534]
In typical California fashion,
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it's overtaken by the bus
who almost runs our pedestrian over.
[539]
(Laughter)
[541]
Now here's an example
of a more expensive car,
[543]
a Prius, driving through,
and a BMW doing the same.
[550]
So we did this for hundreds of vehicles
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on several days,
[555]
just tracking who stops and who doesn't.
[559]
What we found was as the expensiveness
of a car increased ...
[563]
(Laughter)
[565]
the drivers' tendencies
to break the law increased as well.
[568]
None of the cars -- none of the cars --
[571]
in our least expensive car category
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broke the law.
[576]
Close to 50 percent of the cars
in our most expensive vehicle category
[581]
broke the law.
[584]
We've run other studies,
[585]
finding that wealthier individuals
are more likely to lie in negotiations,
[589]
to endorse unethical behavior at work,
[591]
like stealing cash from the cash register,
[594]
taking bribes, lying to customers.
[599]
Now, I don't mean to suggest
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that it's only wealthy people
who show these patterns of behavior.
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Not at all -- in fact,
I think that we all,
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in our day-to-day, minute-by-minute lives,
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struggle with these competing motivations
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of when or if to put our own interests
above the interests of other people.
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And that's understandable,
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because the American dream is an idea
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in which we all have an equal opportunity
to succeed and prosper,
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as long as we apply
ourselves and work hard.
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And a piece of that means that sometimes,
[634]
you need to put your own interests
[637]
above the interests and well-being
of other people around you.
[640]
But what we're finding
is that the wealthier you are,
[644]
the more likely you are to pursue
a vision of personal success,
[648]
of achievement and accomplishment,
[650]
to the detriment of others around you.
[655]
Here I've plotted for you
the mean household income
[658]
received by each fifth
and top five percent of the population
[662]
over the last 20 years.
[664]
In 1993,
[665]
the differences between the different
quintiles of the population,
[668]
in terms of income,
[670]
are fairly egregious.
[672]
It's not difficult to discern
that there are differences.
[675]
But over the last 20 years,
that significant difference
[678]
has become a Grand Canyon of sorts
[680]
between those at the top
and everyone else.
[683]
In fact, the top 20 percent
of our population
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own close to 90 percent
of the total wealth in this country.
[690]
We're at unprecedented levels
of economic inequality.
[696]
What that means is that wealth is not only
becoming increasingly concentrated
[700]
in the hands of a select group
of individuals,
[703]
but the American dream
is becoming increasingly unattainable
[708]
for an increasing majority of us.
[711]
And if it's the case,
as we've been finding,
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that the wealthier you are,
[715]
the more entitled you feel to that wealth,
[718]
and the more likely you are
to prioritize your own interests
[721]
above the interests of other people,
[722]
and be willing to do things
to serve that self-interest,
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well, then, there's no reason to think
that those patterns will change.
[730]
In fact, there's every reason
to think that they'll only get worse,
[733]
and that's what it would look like
if things just stayed the same,
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at the same linear rate,
over the next 20 years.
[741]
Now inequality -- economic inequality --
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is something we should
all be concerned about,
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and not just because of those
at the bottom of the social hierarchy,
[749]
but because individuals and groups
[752]
with lots of economic
inequality do worse ...
[757]
not just the people
at the bottom, everyone.
[760]
There's a lot of really
compelling research
[762]
coming out from top labs
all over the world,
[764]
showcasing the range of things
that are undermined
[769]
as economic inequality gets worse.
[772]
Social mobility,
things we really care about,
[775]
physical health, social trust,
[777]
all go down as inequality goes up.
[780]
Similarly, negative things
in social collectives and societies,
[785]
things like obesity, and violence,
[787]
imprisonment, and punishment,
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are exacerbated as economic
inequality increases.
[792]
Again, these are outcomes
not just experienced by a few,
[796]
but that resound
across all strata of society.
[799]
Even people at the top
experience these outcomes.
[804]
So what do we do?
[809]
This cascade of self-perpetuating,
[812]
pernicious, negative effects
[815]
could seem like something
that's spun out of control,
[818]
and there's nothing we can do about it,
[820]
certainly nothing
we as individuals could do.
[823]
But in fact, we've been finding
in our own laboratory research
[830]
that small psychological interventions,
[836]
small changes to people's values,
[839]
small nudges in certain directions,
[842]
can restore levels
of egalitarianism and empathy.
[846]
For instance, reminding people
of the benefits of cooperation
[850]
or the advantages of community,
[853]
cause wealthier individuals
to be just as egalitarian
[857]
as poor people.
[860]
In one study, we had people watch
a brief video, just 46 seconds long,
[865]
about childhood poverty
[867]
that served as a reminder of the needs
of others in the world around them.
[873]
And after watching that,
[874]
we looked at how willing people
were to offer up their own time
[879]
to a stranger presented to them
in the lab, who was in distress.
[883]
After watching this video, an hour later,
[887]
rich people became
just as generous of their own time
[890]
to help out this other person, a stranger,
[892]
as someone who's poor,
[894]
suggesting that these differences
are not innate or categorical,
[898]
but are so malleable
to slight changes in people's values,
[902]
and little nudges of compassion
and bumps of empathy.
[906]
And beyond the walls of our lab,
[908]
we're even beginning to see
signs of change in society.
[912]
Bill Gates, one of our nation's
wealthiest individuals,
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in his Harvard commencement speech,
[918]
talked about the problem
of inequality facing society
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as being the most daunting challenge,
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and talked about what must
be done to combat it,
[926]
saying, "Humanity's greatest advances
are not in its discoveries --
[931]
but in how those discoveries are applied
[934]
to reduce inequity."
[937]
And there's the Giving Pledge,
[939]
in which more than 100
of our nation's wealthiest individuals
[944]
are pledging half
of their fortunes to charity.
[947]
And there's the emergence of dozens
of grassroots movements,
[953]
like "We are the 1 percent,"
[955]
"Resource Generation,"
[957]
or "Wealth for Common Good,"
[959]
in which the most privileged
members of the population,
[964]
members of the one percent and elsewhere,
[967]
people who are wealthy,
[969]
are using their own economic resources,
[972]
adults and youth alike --
that's what's most striking to me --
[976]
leveraging their own privilege,
their own economic resources,
[980]
to combat inequality
[983]
by advocating for social policies,
[986]
changes in social values
[988]
and changes in people's behavior
[990]
that work against
their own economic interests,
[994]
but that may ultimately
restore the American dream.
[998]
Thank you.
[999]
(Applause)
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