馃攳
US Elections vs. the Stock Market - YouTube
Channel: Ben Felix
[0]
- With the upcoming United
States presidential election,
[3]
lots of investors are worried
[5]
about how the election outcome
[6]
might affect their investments.
[8]
This is not a new word.
[10]
Elections are stressful times,
[11]
and it seems obvious that the outcome
[13]
should impact the stock market.
[15]
Rhetoric from across
the political spectrum
[17]
certainly doesn't help.
[19]
Fortunately, the relationship
[20]
between stock markets,
[21]
elections and political parties
has been studied extensively
[25]
allowing us to step back from the rhetoric
[28]
to consider the historical data
[29]
and the theories that explain it.
[31]
In this episode of Common Sense Investing,
[33]
I'm going to tell you what the data say
[35]
about the relationship between
US presidential elections,
[38]
including the contentious
ones and stock market returns.
[42]
(upbeat music)
[46]
I'm not here to get political.
[48]
This video is simply about
the data on the relationship
[51]
between the US stock
market and US elections.
[54]
Let's start with the
immediate short-term effects
[57]
of election results on
stock market returns.
[60]
I've compared the returns
[61]
for the 12 months starting
in November of election years
[64]
and non-election years
from 1926 through 2019.
[69]
On average, the 12 months
following an election
[71]
have delivered slightly
lower returns at 10.6%,
[75]
than all other 12 month periods
[76]
starting in November at 11.9%.
[80]
Of the 23, 12 month periods
following an election,
[83]
seven of them had negative returns,
[85]
19, 36, 40, 56, 68, 72, 76 and 2000.
[91]
While the rest were all positive.
[93]
Something that's important
to consider in thinking about
[95]
whether an election result
is going to be good or bad
[97]
for the stock market in the short run.
[99]
Is that all of us have
our own political biases,
[102]
which affect our view of the world.
[104]
A person who aligns with
a set of political views
[107]
will tend to think
about their parties when
[109]
as good for the economy
and the stock market.
[112]
These opposing views should
be reflected in stock prices.
[116]
Meaning that a win for either party
[117]
will not be universally viewed
as a good or a bad thing.
[120]
Muting its effect on asset prices.
[123]
This was studied in detail
[124]
in a 2012 paper titled
"Political Climate Optimism
[128]
And Investment Decisions".
[130]
The author studied a large sample of data
[132]
from Gallup surveys,
[133]
the national longitudinal survey of youth,
[135]
and portfolio holdings and trading data
[137]
from a large US discount brokerage.
[140]
They found that individuals
become more optimistic
[143]
and perceive the markets to be less risky
[145]
when their political party is in power.
[148]
This is important to keep in mind
[149]
before worrying that asset
prices are going to collapse
[152]
following election result.
[154]
The market aggregates the
expectations of all participants
[157]
not just those aligned with
a given political view.
[160]
Prices are set at the
equilibrium of all expectations.
[164]
Based on this, we wouldn't expect
[165]
any major stock market
events to STEM directly
[168]
from election results.
[169]
Which is exactly what the data show.
[171]
Stock market volatility on the other hand,
[174]
may increase around elections
especially tight elections.
[178]
In a 2019 paper in the
journal of index investing
[181]
titled "With Greater Uncertainty
Comes Greater Volatility."
[184]
The authors found
[185]
that the US economic
policy uncertainty index,
[188]
seems to spike around tight
presidential elections
[191]
like 2000, 2004 and 2016.
[194]
And that stock market volatility
[195]
seems to be linked to both
economic policy uncertainty
[198]
and the business cycle.
[200]
So far we have seen that
short-term stock market returns
[203]
do not tend to be dramatically affected
[205]
by election outcomes.
[207]
But stock market volatility might increase
[209]
with the type of economic
policy uncertainty
[211]
that arises from tight elections.
[214]
A more interesting question
might be how the political party
[217]
in power affects the stock market returns
[219]
throughout the duration
of presidential terms.
[221]
Forget about short-term volatility.
[223]
Is there a longer term difference
[225]
in US stock market outcomes
related to politics?
[228]
In fact there is.
[230]
In a 2003 paper in the journal of finance
[232]
titled "The Presidential Puzzle
[234]
Political Cycles And The Stock Market"
[236]
author Santa Clara and Valkanov,
[238]
examined the stock market
through political cycles
[240]
from 1927 through the end of 1998.
[243]
Similar to what we have already discussed,
[245]
they found no significant evidence
[247]
of stock price changes immediately before,
[250]
during or immediately after elections.
[253]
Interestingly, this finding is consistent
[255]
with the finding of a 1989 paper,
[257]
titled "What Moves Stock Prices,"
[259]
which found that important news
[261]
does not tend to be related
to large stock market returns.
[264]
Santa Clara and Valkanov did find however,
[266]
that stock markets delivered
much higher returns on average
[269]
when Democrats were in power.
[272]
The excess return of the US stock market
[274]
over three month treasury bills
[275]
was on average 9% per year higher,
[278]
under Democrats than it
was under Republicans
[281]
in their sample.
[282]
They observed a monotonic increase
[284]
in this effect with company size.
[286]
The largest firms had
an excess return of 7%,
[289]
increasing to 22% per year
for the smallest firms.
[293]
The authors referred to this as a puzzle,
[295]
because the difference in
returns was not explained
[297]
by business cycle variables
[298]
and was not concentrated
around election dates.
[302]
Before jumping to the conclusion
[303]
that there is a causal relationship
[305]
between positive stock market outcomes
[307]
and democratic leadership.
[308]
There is a more theoretically consistent
[310]
explanation to consider.
[312]
In a 2017 paper titled "Political
Cycles And Stock Returns,"
[317]
authors Pastor and Veronesi,
[319]
update and respond to the ideas
[320]
in the presidential puzzle paper.
[322]
Updating the analysis of stock returns
[324]
under democratic and Republican leadership
[326]
from 1927 through the end of 2015,
[329]
they find that the excess
return under Democrats
[331]
is 11% higher per year than
it is under Republicans
[335]
over the full period.
[336]
In fact, they found that
all of the equity premium
[339]
over the full period had been earned
[341]
under democratic leadership.
[343]
They found the relationship to
be statistically significant.
[346]
This out of sample test
[347]
following the original work
of Santa Clara and Valkanov,
[350]
seemed to confirm that
the relationship is real.
[352]
A persistent stock market
performance difference
[355]
based on political leadership
[356]
poses a theoretical problem.
[359]
For larger stock returns
under democratic leadership
[362]
to persist based on
democratic policy initiatives.
[365]
The market would need to be consistently
[367]
underestimating their
positive economic benefits.
[370]
Pastor and Veronesi instead
suggest an explanation
[373]
that aligns with the
irrational stock market.
[376]
It is not democratic policy
[377]
that results in positive excess returns,
[380]
but the timing of when
Democrats have been elected,
[382]
they develop a model of political cycles
[385]
driven by time varying risk aversion.
[388]
In their model, when
risk aversion is high,
[390]
such as during economic crises,
[392]
voters are more likely to
elect a democratic president
[395]
because they demand more social insurance.
[398]
When risk aversion is low,
[399]
voters are more likely
to elect a Republican
[402]
because they want to
take more business risk.
[404]
In the model, risk aversion
is higher under Democrats,
[408]
resulting in a higher equity risk premium
[410]
when Democrats are elected
[412]
and therefore a higher average return.
[415]
This model explains
the presidential puzzle
[417]
of higher stock returns
when Democrats are in power
[420]
with a higher risk premium.
[422]
But the higher risk premium is not caused
[424]
by the democratic presidency.
[426]
Both the higher risk premium
[427]
and the democratic presidency
[429]
are caused by higher risk aversion
[431]
leading up to the election.
[433]
Pastor and Veronesi go on to show,
[435]
that this finding within their model
[436]
matches up well with
the empirical literature
[438]
on when Democrats are more
likely to get elected.
[441]
In a 2016 paper in the journal
[443]
of financial economics titled
'Time Varying Risk Aversion,"
[446]
the authors use survey data to show
[448]
that risk aversion surged after
the 2008 financial crisis,
[451]
even among investors who
did not experience losses.
[454]
In a 2010 paper titled
"Partisan Financial Cycles,"
[458]
Jay Lawrence Broz, examined bank crises
[460]
and developed countries
[461]
and found that left-wing governments
[463]
are more likely to be elected
after financial crashes.
[466]
In 2012 paper in the American
political science review
[469]
titled "Unemployment And The Democratic
[471]
Electoral Advantage," John R Wright
[473]
showed that us voters
tend to elect Democrats
[475]
when unemployment is high.
[477]
Anecdotally, the two
biggest financial crises
[480]
over the past century
showed similar results.
[482]
In the midst of the great
depression in November 1932,
[485]
the incumbent Republican
president Herbert Hoover,
[488]
lost the election to
Democrat Franklin Roosevelt,
[491]
In November 2008 during the
worst of the financial crisis
[494]
the incumbent Republican George Bush,
[496]
lost the election to
Democrat Barack Obama.
[499]
John F Kennedy was elected in 1960
[501]
during the 1960, 61 recession.
[504]
Jimmy Carter was elected in 1976,
[506]
shortly after the 1973, 75 recession.
[509]
Bill Clinton was elected in 1992,
[511]
after the 1990, 91 recession.
[514]
In all of these cases,
elections took place
[516]
when voters were likely to be
more risk averse than usual.
[519]
Pastor and Veronesi argued
that this is not a coincidence
[522]
as described by their model
relating risk aversion
[525]
to election outcomes.
[526]
All of that was a long
[528]
and hopefully interesting way of saying
[530]
that well there have been
statistically reliable differences
[532]
in stock returns under different
political party leadership.
[535]
It is reasonable and
theoretically consistent,
[538]
to believe that these
differences do not result
[541]
from the political party leadership.
[543]
Rather the political party leadership,
[544]
results from the same conditions
[546]
that have led to historically
higher stock returns.
[549]
In other words,
[550]
the stock market is going
to do what it's going to do.
[553]
But the economic conditions
[554]
that lead to higher risk aversion
[556]
and therefore higher
expected stock returns,
[559]
also tend to result in democratic
leadership being voted in.
[562]
I'm not predicting an election outcome
[565]
or a stock market outcome
based on this information.
[568]
And it's anybody's guess
[569]
whether the relationship
will persist in the future.
[572]
Stock market out performance
under democratic leadership
[574]
is an empirical fact that
can be reasonably explained
[578]
by the level of risk aversion
[579]
at the times when Democrats
tend to get elected.
[582]
None of this is useful
in timing the market.
[584]
Risk premium show up
quickly and unexpectedly
[587]
regardless of the political cycle.
[589]
You have to be there to capture them,
[590]
which means staying invested.
[592]
As we approach this year's election,
[594]
it is important to remember
[595]
that in the short term,
[597]
election outcomes have not historically
[599]
had any meaningful relationship
with stock market returns.
[602]
Tight elections, like
we saw in 2016 and 2000,
[606]
have resulted in some increased volatility
[609]
as the market prices in
economic policy uncertainty.
[612]
But it has all come out in
the wash pretty quickly.
[615]
Longer-term while there seems
to be a positive correlation
[618]
between democratic leadership
and stock market returns,
[621]
the causal relationship
is much more likely
[623]
between risk aversion and
Democrats being elected.
[626]
Also resulting in a
higher equity risk premium
[629]
over those periods.
[630]
At the end of the day,
[631]
the equity risk premium has
been persistent through time
[634]
for those who have stayed
invested to capture it.
[637]
Thanks for watching, my name is Ben Felix,
[639]
and this is Common Sense Investing.
[642]
If you enjoy this video,
[643]
please share with someone
[644]
who you think could benefit
from the information.
[646]
Don't forget if you've run out
[648]
of Common Sense Investing videos to watch,
[650]
you can tune into weekly episodes
[651]
of the rational reminder podcast,
[653]
wherever you get your podcasts.
[655]
(upbeat music)
Most Recent Videos:
You can go back to the homepage right here: Homepage





