Corporate Tax Avoidance: How it happens, how it is changing, and what to do about it - YouTube

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- [Announcer] This is Duke University.
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- Hi everyone, my name is Scott Dyreng.
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I am Associate Professor of Accounting
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and have been at Fuqua since 2008.
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And I am excited to be a part of the
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Fuqua Faculty Conversations Series
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and to chat with you about some of my research.
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Most of my research focuses on corporate taxation.
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Whether we like it or not, we are all affected
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by the tax system, and corporate taxes in particular
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have been a frequent topic in the popular press
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and policy circles as of late.
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As I'm sure you've noticed, there have been
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many articles in major newspapers
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and other publications over the past several years
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that have argued the corporate tax system is broken.
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Most of these articles use one or two high profile firms
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as anecdotes to illustrate variations on the common theme
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of a broken, non-competitive corporate tax system.
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Exactly why the tax system is broken, however,
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is sometimes less clear, and often the articles
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have directly opposing views about what makes
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the system flawed and how to correct it.
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I find these articles scary, quite frankly,
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and I'm concerned that our policy makers
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could make long lasting, growth damaging changes
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to our tax system, unless great care is taken
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to first understand what is broken with our system
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and what we want to fix about it.
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Prescribing tax policies based on extreme anecdotes
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that sell newspapers might be like setting
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construction requirements for door frames
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based on the height of NBA players,
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the danger being that the cost of implementing
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those policies might outweigh the benefits
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if the policies are based on unusual or extreme examples.
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So, what are some commonly held beliefs
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about corporate taxes and what do the data
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actually tell us about those conceptions?
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I'll spend the next few minutes discussing
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three beliefs that I often hear recited.
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The first commonly held belief is that large
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U.S. multinational companies pay very low
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or even no corporate income tax.
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This idea comes from a number of articles
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that have appeared over the past
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several years in the popular press.
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Some of the most widely circulated articles
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publicized Google's 2.4 percent tax rate,
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or GE's 1.8 percent tax rate, or even
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Caterpillar's 2.4 billion in tax savings.
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These articles were adorned with the names
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of common tax haven countries, like Bermuda,
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Cayman Islands, Switzerland and Ireland.
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And they described tax saving strategies
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with fascinating code names,
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like the Double Irish or the Dutch Sandwich.
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So, just how common is it for a company
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to pay a tax rate below five percent?
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Well, it turns out that the average
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publicly traded U.S. company pays about 28 cents
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of every pretax dollar it earns in income taxes
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to governments around the world.
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Of course there are some firms that pay
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very low tax rates, like those highlighted
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in the articles that you've probably seen,
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but there are also companies that pay very high tax rates.
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In fact, about a fourth of publicly traded U.S. companies
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pay more than 35 cents of every pretax dollar
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in taxes to governments around the world.
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So, how do Google, GE, and other companies
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manage to pay such low tax rates?
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It turns out there are volumes of research, some of which
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I have worked on, that examine this question.
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And the major take away is that we don't have
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a very good understanding of the causes
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of variation in corporate effective tax rates.
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But we do know that many of these firms
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have substantial earnings in foreign countries,
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and have lots of intangible property
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like patents and trademarks.
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They also take advantage of tax credits
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for research and development, manufacturing
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and energy, and they have sophisticated,
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sometimes very creative tax departments.
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Why do we have a tax system that gives tax credits
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and is fraught with so many loopholes?
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While your gut reaction might be to exclaim
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that the tax system is broken,
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a more complete answer is definitely more complex.
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The objectives of the tax system are multifold.
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It is true that one objective is to raise revenue.
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But it is also the case that the government
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uses the tax system to encourage investment
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in certain types of assets or in specific industries.
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The government also uses the tax system
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as a tool to stimulate economic growth
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and to achieve social goals, like wealth redistribution.
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So, observing that some firms pay low tax rates,
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while other firms pay high tax rates,
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is not a smoking gun suggesting the tax system is broken,
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as some commentators suggest, but instead
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could simply be the result of 30 years of legislation
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designed to achieve objectives other than
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collecting revenue and filling government coffers.
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The second commonly held belief is that the U.S.
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has the highest corporate tax rate in the world.
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It turns out that this is mostly accurate.
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It is true that the statutory U.S. corporate tax rate,
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at 35 percent, plus around five percent
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state corporate tax rate, is higher than most
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other developed countries in the world,
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including most European countries.
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We have arrived at this position not because the U.S.
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has raised corporate tax rates, but because
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the rest of the world has steadily reduced
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corporate tax rates over the last 30 years.
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But even though our statutory rates have remained
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essentially constant for almost 30 years,
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the effective corporate tax rates,
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or the fraction of income tax paid on each
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pretax dollar of earnings has steadily declined over time.
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In fact, between 1988 and 2012, effective tax rates,
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or the rates that companies actually pay,
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dropped about a half a percentage point each year.
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Some point to this as evidence that our tax system
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is not really broken, but is indeed competitive
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with tax systems around the world.
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Others argue that making firms jump through loopholes
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to achieve a competitive tax rate is inefficient.
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Whichever opinion you hold, the fact remains
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that the average U.S. corporation has a lower
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effective tax rate today than 25 or 30 years ago
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when the tax system was last reformed.
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The third commonly held belief is that
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the U.S. tax system encourages U.S. companies
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to invest overseas, instead of here in the U.S.
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In theory, the U.S. tax system is designed
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to achieve capital export neutrality,
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meaning that U.S. firms should be indifferent,
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in terms of taxation, between investing a dollar
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in the U.S. and investing a dollar abroad.
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Thus, in theory, firms should invest their marginal dollar
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in the country where it can most efficiently provide
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a return on capital, with taxes playing a minimal role.
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But, in practice, U.S. companies can defer paying
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U.S. taxes on foreign earnings until
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they need the cash in the U.S.
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If the U.S. tax rate is expected to drop
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in the future because of tax reform or a tax holiday,
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then U.S. companies will face lower taxes
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on foreign earnings than domestic earnings.
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Moreover, there is an accounting
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benefit to foreign earnings.
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As long as those earnings are determined to be
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indefinitely reinvested, then there is
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no requirement to record a tax liability
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for those earnings, even though the firm may,
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in fact, owe tax to the U.S. in the future.
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This quirk in U.S. accounting rules can provide a boost
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to bottom line earnings for multinational U.S. firms.
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So, while there is no explicit tax provision
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written to encourage offshore investment,
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once all the nuances of our current system are understood
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there is some incentive to recognize earnings
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in relatively low taxed foreign countries,
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especially if those earnings can be classified
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as indefinitely reinvested and the cash left abroad.
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What then can tax reform accomplish?
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Will tax reform raise more revenue?
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While this might be possible, most proposals
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are revenue neutral and won't fill government coffers
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any more than the current system.
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Will tax reform tighten the distribution of
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effective tax rates, so that there are
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fewer companies paying very low rates
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and fewer companies paying very high rates?
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This could be achieved, but even in 1986,
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the last time the tax system was reformed,
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there was still significant variation
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in the rates companies paid.
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It seems that politicians don't have
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a strong appetite for making the system fair.
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Instead, they each want something that benefits
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their respective constituents, which tends to lead
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to a tax system riddled with idiosyncratic
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provisions that benefit a few firms here
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and a few firms there, creating winners and losers.
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Will tax reform encourage investment
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in the U.S. instead of abroad?
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Maybe the system can be refined to help,
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but the fact of the matter is that most of the world's
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untapped markets are outside of the U.S.,
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and there is nothing in the tax system
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that can change the fact that the fundamental driver
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of foreign investment is growth in foreign countries.
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So, could tax reform encourage
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repatriation of foreign earnings?
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Yeah, if tax reform were properly executed
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it could mitigate, or even remove the incentive
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firms currently have to leave their foreign earnings abroad.
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But, recent research suggests that
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even if those earnings were repatriated
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to the United States, we might not see
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massive new investments in domestic projects.
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Instead, it is more likely that we would see
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dividend payouts, or share repurchases.
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And if earnings are ultimately returned to shareholders,
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then shareholders can make decisions about
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the most efficient redeployment of their capital.
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In sum, many believe our corporate tax system is broken
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and have issued calls to fix it.
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But very few seem to understand what it means
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to have a broken system, or what a
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repaired system might accomplish.
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The research we are undertaking here at Duke
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and at other institutions around the country,
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is helping to shape this debate in a way that we hope
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will result in meaningful, effective tax reform.
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Clearly, a 10 minute video is only sufficient
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to touch the surface of the corporate tax system.
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I look forward to the opportunity to chat with you
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in a few weeks, where we can engage in meaningful discussion
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about the current state of our corporate tax system
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and possible directions for future change.
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I hope to see you then.