Slavoj Žižek: Democracy and Capitalism Are Destined to Split Up | Big Think - YouTube

Channel: Big Think

[0]
Well people often ask me how can you be so stupid and still proclaim yourself a communist.
[5]
What do you mean by this? Well, I have always to emphasize that first I am well aware that
[12]
let’s call it like this – the twentieth century’s over. Which means all not only
[19]
communists solution but all the big leftist projects of the twentieth century failed.
[26]
Not only did Stalinist communism although there its failure is much more paradoxical.
[34]
Most of the countries where communists are still in power like China, Vietnam – their
[40]
communists in power appear to be the most efficient managers of a very wildly productive
[50]
capitalism. So okay, that one failed. I think that also and here I in a very respectful
[58]
way disagree with your – by your I mean American neo-Keynesian leftists, Krugman,
[66]
Stiglitz and so on. I also think that this Keynesian welfare state model is passé. In
[75]
the conditions of today’s global economy it no longer works. For the welfare state
[81]
to work you need a strong nation state which can impose a certain fiscal politics and so
[86]
on and so on. When you have global market it doesn’t work. And the third point which
[93]
is most problematic for my friends, the third leftist vision which is deep in the heart
[102]
of all leftists that I know – this idea of critically rejecting alienated representative
[109]
democracy and arguing for local grass root democracy where it’s not that you just delegate
[118]
to the others. Your representatives to act for you, but people immediately engage in
[125]
locally managing their affairs and so on.
[128]
I think this is a nice idea as far as it goes but it’s not the solution. It’s a very
[134]
limited one. And if I may be really evil here I frankly I wouldn’t like to live in a stupid
[142]
society where I would have to be all the time engaged in local communitarian politics and
[148]
so on and so on. My idea is to live in a society where some invisible alienated machinery takes
[156]
care of things so that I can do whatever I want – watch movies, read and write philosophical
[162]
books and so on. But so I’m well aware that in all its versions radical left projects
[170]
of the twentieth century came to an end and for one decade maybe we were all Fukuyamaists
[179]
for the nineties. By Fukuyamaism I mean the idea that basically we found if not the best
[187]
formula at least the least bad formula. Liberal democratic capitalism with elements of rebel
[194]
state and so on and so on. And even the left played this game. You know we were fighting
[200]
for less racism, women’s right, gay rights, whatever tolerance. But basically we accepted
[207]
the system. I think and even Fukuyama himself is no longer a Fukuyamaist as I know that
[215]
if there is a lesson of September 11 if other event is that no we don’t have the answer.
[222]
That not only is liberal democratic capitalism not the universal model and is just a time
[231]
of slow historical progress for it to be accepted everywhere. But again try now in Singapore
[240]
and other examples of very successful economies today demonstrate that this, let’s call
[246]
it ironically eternal marriage between democracy and capitalism it’s coming to an end.
[252]
What we are more and more getting today is a capitalism which is brutally efficient but
[259]
it no longer needs democracy for its functioning. That’s my first point. My second point is
[267]
that the problems that we are confronting today we can list them in different ways but
[273]
my point is they are all problems of commons. For example, ecology it’s clearly a problem
[281]
of commons. Nature our natural environment is our commons, something which shouldn’t
[287]
be privatized because it belongs to all of us. It’s as it were the background or literally
[294]
the ground of our being. And it’s clear for me that here we need to reinvent not local
[306]
democracy but on the contrary also large scale solutions. The problem today is not local
[315]
communitarian democracy. The problem today is how it regulates trends worldwide. Because
[321]
even here I almost admire the – if I may use this old fashioned Marxist terms the ruling
[328]
ideology, no. Like turning the cards upon us and making us individually guilty like
[346]
did you separate all diet Coke cans. Did you separate all the newspapers and so on. I mean
[356]
I find it ridiculous how not only are we made responsible. Instead of blaming not some person
[366]
but the system as such how to reorganize our lives. But this solution also allows us an
[374]
easy way out. Then as if you recycle, you buy green products and so on and you feel
[382]
well, you did your duty.
[383]
And another example that I use again and again – Starbucks coffee and others. I think it’s
[389]
something very ingenious that capitalists there. You know when you enter a Starbucks
[393]
place they always tell you, you know, we take care of nature, five percent of our profits
[399]
go for Guatemalan rainforest, for Somalian children, whatever. I think this is ingenious
[405]
that when we are consumerists we feel bad. Oh my God, I’m just a consumerist. People
[411]
are starving there. We are ruining Mother Earth. But here the message is our coffee
[416]
is a little bit more expensive but the ideological price to do something for Mother Earth is
[422]
included into it, you know. I even – that would be my idea, Starbucks you know, how
[428]
they bring your bill when you pay check and then it says that – how do they call it
[436]
this additional federal tax or whatever so much. I would love to have it where they would
[441]
put it, you know, three percent for helping Mother Earth included, five percent for Guatemala
[450]
orphans included. And it makes you feel good and so on. So what I’m saying is that, for
[456]
example, this is one example of endangered commons where I’m not underestimating capitalism
[465]
here. Of course one should use all capitalists and market tools like higher taxes for polluters
[472]
and all of that.
[474]
But you cannot control in this way real ecological catastrophes. Imagine Fukushima which happened
[483]
an earthquake and all that in Japan. Now it would be a couple of years ago. Imagine the
[490]
same thing just some – it’s quite realistic act of imagining – just some two, three
[497]
times stronger which means that probably the whole northern third of Japan would have to
[502]
be evacuated. How to confront this? Who will do it and so on and so on. We need a solution
[509]
here and the problem is the commons. Next point. Finances. Everyone knows that some
[517]
type of regulation is needed otherwise the way banks function today it’s simply even
[525]
from the standpoint of let’s call it naively rational capitalism. It no longer works. Another
[532]
thing – so called intellectual property. Jeremy Rifkin pointed out how we are already
[540]
almost approaching there a kind of a weird communism. I don’t know how it is here with
[545]
you but in my part of Europe, DVDs are disappearing. You download everything. It’s – I think
[554]
– okay this is one phenomenon but I think that generally there is something in so called
[560]
intellectual property, knowledge and so on which is communist in its very nature in the
[568]
sense that it resists being constrained by private profit. It tends to circulate freely.
[577]
So again how to solve this problem? I don’t think that capitalism will succeed in privatizing
[583]
intellectual property. Next point biogenetics. Are we aware what is happening today? I mean
[590]
I don’t want to exaggerate and I’m not a panic monger. I’m not saying tomorrow
[596]
we will be robots. I’m just saying that two things are happening which are more and
[603]
more reality. A, that and this is something so tremendously important philosophically.
[610]
Direct contact between the inside of our brain, our thoughts, and outside like we all know,
[618]
for example, that today still at a very primitive level but we can directly wire our brain so
[626]
that machine can read it direct – and, for example, Stephen Hawking no longer will have
[631]
needed his finger. Now he was functioning with the finger just moving it a little bit.
[637]
You think forward, your wheelchair moves forward and so on. Of course one of the problems here
[642]
is that if it goes outside you just think about it, it happens, it also goes inside
[648]
the other way around. So all this prospect of the biogenetically changing your properties
[654]
directly wiring your mind and so on. How will this be used for social control? And, for
[662]
example, when I visited China five years ago I got in a conversation with some big shot
[667]
from their Academy of Biogenetics. I mean biogenetic department of their Academy of
[674]
Sciences. And he gave me the program of goals of biogenetics in China. A kind of a programmatic
[682]
text which pretty much terrified me.
[684]
It opens up the text with something like the goal of biogenetics in the People’s Republic
[690]
of China is to regulate the physical and the psychic welfare of Chinese people. My God,
[698]
what does that mean? Now I’m not here a conservative guy who is in panic. No, it’s
[704]
a new field. Who knows but we have to be aware of the problem and it cannot be decided on
[710]
the market. We need new forms of global control and regulation. And the last thing, new forms
[717]
of apartheid. That’s the ultimate irony for me. Berlin Wall fell down, now new walls
[723]
are emerging all around. The United States, Mexico. West Bank, Israel occupied territories
[730]
to even the south of Spain how to isolate Europe from Africa and so on and so on. I
[736]
think the paradox of today’s global capitalism is that on the one hand it’s global, free
[742]
flow of capital but the free movement of people is more and more controlled and more and more
[749]
we get new forms of apartheid. Full cities and those immigrants half excluded and so
[756]
on. These are all problems we are confronting today. And the big question is can we cope
[765]
with these problems within the liberal democratic capitalist frame. I’m a pessimist here.
[773]
I don’t see – I’m really a pessimist because I don’t see a clear solution here.
[778]
I’m certainly not an idiot who claims oh, a new Leninist party or whatever, will regulate
[783]
it. No, that game is over. But I claim just two things.
[788]
A, all these problems are problems of commons. Biogenetics – our genetic inheritance is
[797]
our humanity’s genetic commons with new forms of apartheid we are talking simply about
[806]
commons as the common social space and so these are all problems of commons and how
[811]
to confront them, how to deal with them because, you know, the paradox here is that on the
[818]
one hand we are already getting elements aspects of communism like again with all the downloading
[827]
and so on. New forms of circulation of knowledge even of commodities which no longer follow
[835]
the market model. On the other hand I’m well aware that all this also brings out new
[843]
problems which is why as I always repeat it, I support Julian Assange WikiLeaks. But not
[851]
in the usual anti-American way. I always emphasize this. WikiLeaks should not be used for cheap
[859]
anti-Americanism. Why not? Because there is a point in those who say that imagine someone
[867]
like Chelsea Manning in China. There would not be a trial. She would just disappear probably
[873]
together with the entire family or whatever. So why nonetheless we should also talk about
[879]
United States even if the control is much worse in China, Russia and so on.
[886]
Because there is one problem and I can tell you I was in China and Russia. There people
[891]
are well aware of the limitation of their freedom. Nobody in China has the illusion
[897]
that they are actually free. You have local freedoms of choice, you know. You can do sexually
[903]
whatever you want. You can more or less read books that you want. You can find a job if
[909]
you find it of course that you want. But the general social network no democracy there
[917]
also with us is getting worse and worse but that’s another point. What I want to say
[920]
is that the importance of WikiLeaks for United States is that how here in the United States
[929]
we can – our lives can also be controlled and regulated but without us being aware of
[936]
it. We still experience ourselves as fully free. And this is for me the most dangerous
[941]
unfreedom. The unfreedom which is not even aware of itself as unfreedom. Unfreedom which
[948]
is experienced as freedom.
[952]
Another point here is we all know what is going on now is something incredible. TISA,
[958]
T – I – S – A and other negotiations which are incredibly important. They will
[965]
regulate markets, exchange of data and so on neo-liberal lines so that they will radically
[975]
define the basic coordinates of our economic lives even more. But the point is we don’t
[984]
– these negotiations are all done in secret. So, you see, this is for me the problem of
[989]
freedom today. Yes, we have freedom at the level of freedom of choice. You buy this,
[996]
you buy that, you travel here, you travel there, whatever. But for me freedom has to
[1003]
be more. Actual freedom has to also be the freedom to regulate the very basic coordinates
[1011]
of your life. You have a choice between this and that but how is the entire field which
[1017]
offers you these choices and not other choices – how is it structured? At that level we
[1023]
get more and more secret agreements, we get less and less freedom. So freedom is a big
[1029]
problem today but it’s the struggle for what we understand with freedom.